Witch hunts in India

Witch hunts are still prevalent in India in the twenty-first century. Those who are labelled as witches are usually elderly or single women accused of manipulating supernatural forces with malicious intent.^[1] Witch branding occurs predominantly in rural, poorer areas of the country where there is often a higher concentration of tribal communities.^[2]

Multiple factors can lead to a witchcraft accusation, ranging from crop failure, financial hardship, and the loss of livestock to the illness or death of family members. Accusations are often instigated to serve ulterior motives like grabbing the land and property of a 'witch', settling personal grudges or even as a punishment for turning down sexual advances.^[3][4] There are also deeper underlying causes of witch hunting, primarily a lack of education and basic social benefits, particularly healthcare.^[1]

The vast majority of witch-hunting victims are women, especially older, single women of a lower caste, who because of their background are socially marginalised and are thus more vulnerable to becoming scapegoats for the misfortunes of their neighbours. Whilst not as common, men can be subjected to witchcraft accusations especially if they are relatives or family members of an accused witch.^[1]

According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) of India, from 2000 to 2016, over 2,500 people had been killed in witch hunts, overwhelmingly women.^[5][6][7] This number is estimated to be even higher, as many cases go unreported. Women accused of practising witchcraft face various forms of physical and mental torture as well as execution. Severe violence is commonly used to punish accused witches and can include rape, beating, flogging and severing of limbs. Furthermore, 'witches' can be mentally and emotionally abused through ostracism, banishment, hounding and public humiliation.^[2]

Die Hexenverfolgung in Indien ist eine jahrhundertealte Praxis, deren Ursprünge in zahlreichen frühen Sanskrit- Werken belegt sind. Anders als bei den Hexenprozessen im frühneuzeitlichen Europa und im kolonialen Amerika , wo die Opfer von staatlichen Gerichten verurteilt und dokumentiert wurden – auch wenn es sich ausnahmslos um Justizirrtümer handelte –, sind detaillierte Aufzeichnungen über Hexenverfolgungen in Indien schwer zu finden. Viele dieser Verfolgungen waren von der Menge angezettelte, inoffizielle Vorfälle, die zwar öffentlich verhandelt wurden, aber dennoch stattfanden. Aus diesem Grund gibt es vor den Santhal - Hexenprozessen von 1792 keine konkreten Belege für Hexenverfolgungen in Indien, und die meisten Informationen zu Hexenverfolgungen stammen aus der Kolonialzeit. ^{[ 8 ] [ 9 ]}

Im kolonialen Indien des 19. Jahrhunderts wurden zahlreiche Fälle von Hexenverfolgung dokumentiert. Offizielle Stellen vermuteten, dass allein in den zentralen Ebenen Indiens in dieser Zeit über tausend Frauen aufgrund von Hexerei getötet wurden. Man ging auch davon aus, dass mehr Frauen als Hexen umgebracht wurden als durch die Witwenverbrennung ( Sati ). ^{[ 9 ]} Hexen (auch Dakinis oder Dayans genannt ) wurden üblicherweise von männlichen Magiepraktizierenden und spirituellen Führern identifiziert. Diese Hexenjäger, bekannt als „ Bohpas “, „ Bahgats “ und unter anderen Namen, wurden konsultiert, nachdem Gemeindemitglieder, deren Angehörige oder die Dorfvorsteher über durch Hexerei verursachte Unglücksfälle geklagt hatten. ^{[ 10 ] [ 11 ]} Sobald eine „Hexe“ identifiziert war, versuchten die Bohpas, das Opfer mithilfe von Magie, Exorzismus , Folter und Hinrichtung von ihrer Macht zu „befreien“ . Eine gängige Foltermethode in Westindien war beispielsweise das sogenannte „Hexenschwingen“. Dabei wurde einer angeklagten Hexe Chilipaste in die Augen gerieben, sie wurde kopfüber an einen Baum gehängt und über offenem Feuer geschwungen, bis sie ihre Verbrechen gestand oder versprach, ihre Opfer freizulassen. ^{[ 10 ]} In einem Fall aus dem Jahr 1886 wurde eine ältere Frau namens Kunkoo beschuldigt, die Frau eines Soldaten krank gemacht zu haben. Sie musste ihre Hände in siedendes Öl tauchen und wurde tagelang über dem Feuer geschwungen, bevor man sie freiließ und schließlich ermordete. ^{[ 11 ]}

British authorities implemented several bans on witch-killing between the 1840s and 60s throughout Eastern India. The bans targeted spiritual leaders and holy men who named and accused witches in their villages. In serious cases punishments for hunters could even lead to a death sentence.^[10]

Initially, the bans seemed to be effective and were living up to their aim of reducing the number of witch hunts. Women accused of witchcraft and their families were given more resources and opportunities to seek support, compensation and justice. Bhopas were also dissuaded from labelling certain women as witches and carrying out more brutal forms of punishment on the accused.^[10] However, hunts continued regardless of new laws, in more inconspicuous and less violent forms. The British failed to acknowledge how deeply embedded witchcraft beliefs were in tribal societies and instead of stopping witch hunts the bans drove the practice underground.^[12] It did not help that many colonial officials, attempting to ease tensions and accommodate local traditions, were known to accept certain witch-hunting practices and were lenient towards perpetrators with some even attending witch-swingings.^[10]

It is possible that the outlawing of witch-hunting inflamed the number of hunts, due to the hostile and resistant response legislation was met with. Firstly, many Indians opposed the trials of witch-killers, who were often influential men that played central roles in village life and, in the views of locals, were only trying to protect their communities from evil supernatural forces. Additionally, after the passing of witch-hunting bans, reasons to hunt 'dayans' expanded beyond land-grabbing and a way of gaining retribution for misfortunes and arguably transitioned into a form of resisting colonialist rule. For instance, witches became a symbol of colonial power and who many believed had been 'protected' by new British laws, therefore the practice of witch-hunting became an indirect form of expressing hostility towards colonial power.^[12][13]

Mass incidents of witch-hunting often coincided with major rebellions in British India, further supporting the notion that witch-hunts represented a mode of resistance against colonial rule.^[12] For example, in the 1855 Santhal Rebellion, large numbers of women were persecuted by Santhal leaders in the form of witchcraft accusations, despite playing active roles in the resistance.^[14]

Ähnlich ereignete sich 1857 während des Indischen Aufstands eine Welle von Hexenverfolgungen in der Region Chota Nagpur . Der Aufstand bot den Rebellenführern die Gelegenheit, die vermeintlichen Hexen zu „säubern“, deren Zahl nach Ansicht vieler unter der vermeintlich wohlwollenden Herrschaft der Briten zugenommen hatte. Dies führte zu einem Anstieg der Verfolgungen in den von den Rebellen kontrollierten Gebieten. Hexen symbolisierten in vielerlei Hinsicht die britische Macht und wurden daher von den Rebellenführern getötet, um in Zeiten großer Unruhen ihre religiöse und politische Macht über die Bevölkerung zu festigen. ^{[ 13 ]}

Im heutigen Indien ist die Hexenverfolgung in abgelegenen und benachteiligten ländlichen Gebieten, insbesondere im Norden und in der Mitte des Landes, weiterhin weit verbreitet und üblich. ^{[ 3 ]} Der Bundesstaat Jharkhand verzeichnet mit 593 getöteten Frauen als Motiv für Hexerei zwischen 2001 und 2021 die höchste Gesamtzahl an Morden, bei denen Hexerei vorgeworfen wurde (laut National Crime Records Bureau , NCRB). ^{[ 7 ] [ 15 ]} Auch in den Bundesstaaten Assam , Bihar , Chhattisgarh , Madhya Pradesh und Odisha wurden zahlreiche Fälle von Hexenbrandmarkung registriert. ^{[ 1 ] [ 2 ]} Eine Hexenverfolgung verläuft üblicherweise in drei Phasen: Anklage, Verurteilung und Verfolgung. ^{[ 9 ]} Eine Hexereianklage wird meist durch den plötzlichen Tod oder die Krankheit eines Familienmitglieds, eine Missernte oder den Verlust von Vieh ausgelöst. Eine Frau wird dann von einem gesellschaftlich anerkannten Zauberer, der von den Gemeindemitgliedern nach einem Unglück konsultiert wird, zur Hexe erklärt. Diese Zauberer wenden Magie an, um eine Hexe zu identifizieren und sie für die Ausübung schwarzer Magie zu bestrafen. ^{[ 2 ]}

Since the early 2000s reported cases of witch-hunting have shown that women accused of practising black magic have been subjected to persecution and inhumane treatment from those living in their village. This is done in an attempt to punish the witch or 'purify' her.^[20] Victims can be badly beaten or flogged by perpetrators and sexually assaulted, some are forced to endure even more violent forms of torture such as having limbs chopped off.^[2][6] In more serious cases accused witches are killed, and some methods of execution still used today in hunts include being burned alive and stoned. Many deaths can also happen as a result of injuries caused by physical violence.^[21][22] Witch-hunting victims face mental torture as well as physical attacks, this ranges from verbal abuse and harassment to public humiliation. For example, in 2009 five women from a remote village in Jharkhand's Deoghar district were paraded naked, beaten and forced to eat human faeces.^[23] In many cases, women have to flee their homes in fear of persecution or are banished from their villages and forced off their property. The effects of attacks and so-called 'punishments' often leave a lasting impact on victims of witch branding, leading some to commit suicide.^[24]

The majority of witch-hunting cases in India are recorded from places and communities in poor socio-economic conditions. For example, in Jharkhand, a state where witch branding is highly prevalent, nearly 40% of the population lives below the poverty line.^[1] This combined with inadequate healthcare provision and education helps to create an environment where witch-hunting can thrive.

A lack of hygiene and easily accessible medical facilities means that in many poorer areas, treatable minor illnesses are common causes of death. Hospitals and other medical facilities are often too far from rural Indian communities and instead, many Indians in isolated areas seek the help of a local deity or priest for medical ailments.^[25] This is a key causal factor of witch hunts as disease outbreaks and seemingly unexplainable deaths are viewed in these communities as the result of witchcraft or black magic. The significance of poor access to healthcare on witch-hunting can be seen in a 2019 joint study by The Uttarakhand State Commission for Women and Action Aid Commission, which found that 27% of recorded witch-hunting cases in the state of Uttarakhand were triggered in response to children developing health issues and another 43.5% were instigated due to the ill health of adults.^[26][27] The poor standard of education in states like Jharkhand also increases the likelihood that people will turn to irrational superstitious beliefs, like witchcraft, to explain sudden deaths, illnesses or crop failure in their communities.^[2]

Witch hunts are often a common ploy to grab land and property from women, a motive which is usually hidden under the guise of superstition.^[1][3] This is because coveted land and resources owned by single, usually widowed and childless women are more easily acquired after witch hunts by jealous neighbours and family members. For instance, a labelled 'witch' can have her right to own property denied. She may be forced off her land in fear of being attacked, by being banished from her village, or killed.^[9]

Settling personal grudges and disputes can take the form of a witch hunt. Outspoken, naturally assertive and more confrontational women are more likely to be targeted and labelled as a witch as a way of silencing them or acting on a long-term grudge against them.^[25] There have been instances where the refusal of a woman to accept sexual advances has led to her being branded a witch, making it far easier for perpetrators to isolate the woman from her village and take sexual advantage of her.^[9]

Some feminist academics have argued that an underlying desire to subordinate women who pose a threat to the patriarchal structure of rural Indian societies is a key factor in the existence of modern-day witch-hunting. Tanvi Yadav, for example, argues that brutal methods of physical and mental punishment for accused witches, such as beating, naked parading and lynching are used to intentionally terrorize and silence women who otherwise may have challenged or spoken out against patriarchal norms.^[9] Sikha Das also notes that young, independent and strongly-willed widows are more likely to be branded a witch as a way of punishing them for stepping outside of traditional expectations for women of their status.^[28]

Attempts to create legislation to prevent and eliminate the practice of witch-hunting have been made at national and state levels. For example, in 2001 Jharkhand enacted The Prevention of Witch (Daain) Practices Act to "eliminate" the "torture, humiliation and killing by the (sic) society". Additionally, the law criminalises rituals performed by witch doctors who are believed to identify and 'cure' witches.^[15] In 2021 the state government launched Project Garima which aims to curb witch-hunting by "empowering" victims by providing them with counselling, job skills training and livelihood opportunities. The project also has the goal of spreading awareness among vulnerable communities in order to prevent witch-hunts.^[1] Currently 6 states in the country have specific laws targeting witch hunting including Rajasthan, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Odisha, and Assam, meanwhile Maharashtra and Karnataka have legislation broadly covering witch-hunting along with other superstitions.^[29][30]

However, the overall effectiveness of anti-witch-hunting legislation has been called into question. Firstly, the majority of laws enacted to combat witch-hunting have only been made at a state level and the Central Government of India has yet to pass a specific piece of legislation relating to the practice. One of the only attempts to stop this crime at a federal level has been the introduction of The Prevention of Witch-Hunting Bill by Raghav Lakhanpal to Parliament in 2016, however, as of now the bill is still pending.^[31]

The implementation of these laws is also poor, as only 2 percent of perpetrators are convicted.^[3] Cases that are reported are likely to be dismissed due to a lack of proper investigation, witnesses or because of a 'compromise' reached between victim and perpetrator.^[2] Furthermore, most cases are not documented as it is difficult for poor and illiterate women to travel from isolated regions to file police reports.^[32] For these reasons, campaigners have argued for social solutions which target superstition and irrationality in communities, support victims and address the roots of the problem, rather than taking a strictly legal approach to eliminate witch-hunting.^[2]

Non-governmental organisations like the Centre for Social Justice (CSJ) use the legal system to fight for the rights and assets of women and marginalized people, who are attacked in witch hunts. Another organisation, ANANDI, builds solidarity among victims of witch hunts or those who live in areas where women are frequently targeted. Individual activists have also had a significant impact on the fight against witch-hunting. For example, Birubala Rabha, who runs an organisation which spreads awareness against witch-hunting called [Mission Birubala, has spent the last 15 years campaigning against the practice.^[33][34] Rabha was instrumental in the passing of the Assam Witch Hunting (Prohibition Prevention and Protection) Act, which many say is India's toughest anti-witch-hunting law and in 2021 was recognised for her work by the Government of India with the prestigious Padma Shri award.^[34][35][36]

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